New Labours Traditional Family Values in Policy

New Labours Traditional Family Values in Policy In Comparison to the Thatcher Government, in what ways does New Labour try to bring back traditional family values through policy and legislation? Abstract The objective of this dissertation is to evaluate and compare the way in New Labour is trying to bring back traditional family values through policy and legislation with the ways in which the Thatcher government had tried to do so. As will be explained and analysed there are some similarities and indeed some profound differences between the objectives and the methods of New Labour and the Thatcher governments. As will be analysed in great depth both the Thatcher government and New Labour government came to power with wide-ranging visions of how they wished to transform the politics, the economy, and the society of Britain. The Thatcher government’s attempts to bring back traditional family values through policy and via legislation will be evaluated first, in order to examine the extent to which its objectives succeeded or if those objectives failed. Arguably, the Thatcher government had a massive impact upon the social, economic, and the political make up or infrastructure of Britain, even if not always in the ways that it had intended, or had hoped for. The Thatcher government also discovered that the consequences of their policy decisions could be contradictory, rather than complimentary to the primary objectives of the legislation that they passed. The latter parts of the dissertation will concentrate upon the transition of the Labour party away from its traditional economic and social policies into New Labour and how, that transition affected its policies and objectives. New Labour was a reinvention of the Labour party designed to regain power after 18 years in the political wilderness. Traditionally, the Labour party had regarded the promotion of social ownership of the means of production (the infamous clause four of its constitution); and the provision of generous benefits by the welfare state for those in need as sacrosanct policy areas. Labour governments had used progressive taxation and high public sector borrowing to pay for high social policy expenditure if that was needed. Those were the policies mainly used to maintain or bring back traditional family values by all previous Labour governments. New Labour, as will be demonstrated, turned away from the concepts of increasing levels of social ownership, and set limits for the use of progressive taxation and increasing public sector borrowing, whilst promising to reform the welfare state. The combination of these measures was intended to focus help on to those people that needed help the most. It also arguably, gives cause to debate whether New Labour is driven by its ideological principles; or if it is driven by the more selfish desire to obtain and subsequently retain governmental office. After all, as any self-respecting politician will tell anybody willing to hear them, it is no good having a vision of transforming society if there is no political office or power to do anything about enacting that vision. Certainly before winning the general election of 1997 New Labour emphasised its intention to bring back traditional family values through policy and where it was considered to be necessary through legislation. As a party New Labour committed itself to improving public services, fighting crime, and a host of other measures to make Britain a better place to live in. Also to be discussed is New Labour’s policies and legislation upon human rights and equality for all, that in many respects goes beyond bringing back traditional family values. Whilst politicians are generally in agreement over the need for traditional family values, they differ as to the best policies and if needs be the best legislation to restore, promote, or protect traditional family values. Differences over the best ways to achieve traditional family values are influenced by differing ideological approaches, as well as different understandings of human nature. Governments do not only rely on policy and legislat ion to achieve or at least aim to achieve their objectives. Governments try to influence the public through official statements, press and television articles, as well as presenting its objectives to the public as frequently as possible. The public of course does not have to be persuaded by the influence, policy, and legislation of any government. Indeed the public can affect the policy and legislation that governments adopt by voting those governments in and out of office at every general election. The media has a great deal of influence in its own right when it comes to the moral attitudes and acceptable standards of behaviour that the British public hold. All are issues and influences upon the restoration or promotion of traditional family values will be evaluated. Introduction Before evaluating and analysing the ways in which New Labour and the Thatcher governments aimed to bring back bring traditional family values, it would be best to define what is meant by traditional family values. Usually traditional family values are considered to be the promotion of long lasting marriages, bringing up children to be well behaved and law abiding, and educating everybody to respect law and order. Traditional family values are also linked with a religious or moral upbringing, yet it can also encompass people being responsible for providing for their own financial and social welfare through working hard and saving, as well as taking responsibility for their own actions. Traditional family values were linked in public perceptions to Victorian times, the majority of people may now be materially better off yet their sense of morality, and the willingness to accept traditional family values has declined noticeably (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p.42). In the British conte xt the religious influences upon traditional family values had been predominately Christian in their origins. The dominant family values in Britain have been altered by different factors since the 1960s. The belief in Christian values has declined due to the processes of secularisation and liberalisation, changing social attitudes arguably helped by changes in fashion and media coverage. Family values are also different due to the immigration of people into Britain with different religious faiths such as Islam, and Hinduism (Modood, 2005, p.192). Different religious beliefs mean that although non-Christians often have a strong sense of morality and an understanding of how to behave, those moral values are similar yet not necessarily the same as traditional family values as they are perceived (Forman Baldwin, 1999, pp. 10-11). British governments, assuming that they have a sufficient Parliamentary majority are generally able to carry out policy objectives and pass legislation as they feel necessary, or, to keep to the pledges they made in their party manifestos during the previous general election campaigns. The power and the authority held by British governments to carry out their policies is great, and the vast majority of the population accepts the legislation passed through Parliament. However, it is under the assumption that the government can be voted out at the next general election if the majority of voters are unhappy with its performance, or achievements. Much harder to define or evaluate can be the influence that governments have upon people’s beliefs and behaviour. Parties win general elections sometimes because they are the least unpopular party, rather than because they are the most popular. Voters can be as pragmatic or as cynical as the politicians that they vote for or against, they vote for the party that makes them better off, as much as the party that wants to influence or potentially change their beliefs and behaviour (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, pp 4 –5). Now attention is turned to the discussion of how differing ideological, or political beliefs have influenced the Thatcher and New Labour governments into making policy and legislation that affects social policy in Britain. The classical liberal approach to traditional family values was that governments should not intervene in social matters just as they should keep economic interventions down to an absolute minimum. The classical liberal approach regarded the role of governments as being strictly limited to providing legislation when required, and limited educational, law and order, and national defence facilities or services. The moral, religious, and social values may have been Christian yet that was just by historical chance. Classical liberal thinkers such as John Locke argued that the government should tolerate diversity and allow its people to act in anyway they wanted that did not contravene national laws (Lacey, 2006, p.7). For classical liberals, governments should have gone no further than regulating workplace safety and regulating the Poor Law administration. The teaching of traditional family values was down to churches (or other religious institutions), schools, and individual family groups themselves (Eatwell Wright, 2003 p. 36). The ideas of classical liberalism would re-emerge from the 1960s in the guise of neo-liberalism and would have the most influence in Britain upon the government that was led by Margaret Thatcher between May 1979 and her removal from office in November 1990. The Major government that held office from 1990 through to 1997 was regarded as being less dogmatic and more pragmatic than its immediate predecessor was, though conversely placing a greater emphasis on individual morality and standards of behaviour (Eatwell Wright, 2003, p. 287). Another strand of liberal political ideology emerged at the beginning of the 20th century that favoured a higher level of government intervention in social and economic matters. This ‘new’ liberalism was responsible for the first moves towards establishing the welfare state in Britain. The new Liberals regarded poverty as being the largest single threat to traditional family values, as well as being socially divisive. Poverty often led families into the dreaded workhouses that separated parents from their children, and then parents from each other. Poverty in other words could stop people from caring for each other, it stopped relatives being cared for, and prevented people looking after themselves. The workhouse was, according to the new liberal ideological perspective, the biggest breaker of families, something that grinding poverty did not always achieve (Moran, 2005, p. 28). The introduction of Labour Exchanges, national insurance, which paid small amounts of unemplo yment benefit, and limited old age pensions may have done little to reverse poverty, yet it heralded greater levels of government intervention in social and economic affairs, especially after Labour’s landslide election victory in 1945. All those new Liberal reforms were intended to preserve family units, as unemployment, underemployment, and old age were all factors that made people poor, and put them in the workhouse, or drove them towards committing crimes to make money. Had the British economy been stronger during the inter-period then the limited welfare state of the Liberals might have been extended earlier. There were limited extensions such as the development of council houses and some free health care for the poorest families (Eatwell Wright, 2003 p.38). The Liberal party itself appeared to be in a virtually terminal decline after the First World War with its former supporters either switching their votes to the Conservatives or the Labour party. Conversely it would be variations of liberal ideology that have arguably had the most political, social, and economic influence upon post-war Britain and the values that British government aimed to promote through policy and legislation. New Liberalism had a pronounced influence upon the welfare state and Keynesian economic policies pursued from 1945 through to the late 1970s, particularly under the auspices of the Beveridge Report and the wish to avoid mass unemployment on the scale of the 1930s. New Liberalism also influenced the decision of British governments to accept changing social attitudes by changing policy and passing legislation to recognise the slackening hold of traditional family values. The use of Keynesian economics was lessened during the Callaghan government as it was forc ed into accepting a loan from the International Monetary Fund, and had to reduce public spending before that loan was made available. Of course, it was the revival of neo-liberal ideology that strongly influenced the Thatcher government and meant that the New Labour government had to take power in radically different social and economic circumstances than the Labour governments of the 1970s had faced (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 54). In contrast, the Conservative ideological perspective often placed a greater emphasis upon the promotion and the respecting of traditional family values, either to protect property or to maintain social stability. Conservative politicians in Britain regarded themselves as being the party that maintained law and order better than any other political party, to protect social stability, and strengthen national unity (Eatwell Wright, 2003, p. 51). The Conservative party was the party that usually claimed to be the guardian of traditional family values. The Conservative party had strong links with the Church of England. Indeed, sometimes people referred to the Church of England as being the Conservative party at prayer. As such the Conservative party took a negative view about human nature that helps to explain its tougher stance on law and order issues (Jones et al, 2004, p. 155). Unlike the classical Liberals, the Conservatives were prepared and remain prepared to actively change gover nment policy, and enact legislation if that was needed to protect traditional family values. Previous Conservative governments in Britain have passed both restrictive and liberalising legislation when they have considered such actions to be justified by present circumstances. Conservatives have been repressive, regressive, or liberal in character at different times (Eatwell Wright, 2003, p. 54). There was a strong paternalistic streak in the British Conservative party, which has sometimes dominated the party, and at other times has had very little influence over the party’s policies when in government. The paternalistic streak has not always gone well with other ideological influences within the party that have been opposed to intervening in society or the economy. For instance, compare the ideological beliefs of Harold MacMillan, or Anthony Eden with Margaret Thatcher. Thatcher did not like the paternalistic ‘One Nation Tories’, and instead attempted to transfo rm British society (Moran, 2005, p. 28). The Labour party was created specifically to further the interests of the working classes, as such the only traditional family values it wished to protect, promote, or bring back were those that it believed would benefit the working classes. The Labour party was committed to the social ownership of the means of production, and the introduction of extensive welfare, and social security provision. Not only would these measures improve social equality, they would reduce poverty, and make British society better by making it fairer for all. The Labour party was also a political party that was moderate and gradualist in its approach to achieving social, economic, and political reforms. The decline of the Liberal party allowed Labour to become the second main political party in Britain and even form a government in 1924. The first Labour government was only a minority administration, and was therefore unable to achieve much (Wilson, 2005, p. 252). The second Labour government elected in 192 9 had a parliamentary majority, yet its time in office was blighted by the onset of the Great Depression. The party was divided by Ramsey Mac Donald’s decision to cut unemployment benefits, and the introduction of other austerity measures that made the affects of unemployment worse for many of the people that Labour was supposed to help (Wilson, 2005, p. 285). Labour got its big chance to profoundly alter British social and economic policies as a result of the wartime feeling that something should be done to make Britain a fairer and less poverty stricken place to live in. Labour fully backed the proposals of the Beveridge Report and introduced a comprehensive welfare state and reaped its sensational electoral benefits in 1945 (Lacey, 2006, p. 260). The Labour party managed to achieve its social and economic aims during the Atlee governments of 1945 through to 1951. Its objectives were achieved with the introduction of a comprehensive welfare state, the National Health Service (NHS), and increased educational opportunities. To banish the possibility of mass unemployment on the scale of the 1930s, industries were nationalised and Keynesian demand side economic policies were pursued. From the Labour party’s perspective Britain’s traditional family values should have been protected or even promoted by declining levels of poverty, better health care provision, and higher levels of educational achievement. The welfare state and the NHS seemed to be safe as the Conservatives accepted the vast majority of Labour’s reforms (Fisher, Denver, Benyon, 2003, p. 11). In fact, the Conservative Party enjoyed considerable success in the 1950s as the British electorate trusted them to leave the welfare state and public servi ces untouched, whilst successfully managing Keynesian economics to make people financially better off (Sandbrook, 2005 p. 51). Until the late 1960s it seemed that British governments had managed to achieve strong economic growth, an effective welfare system, and a high degree of social harmony. The period also introduced legislation that liberalised British society, for instance the legalisation of homosexuality, abortion, and the abolition of the death penalty. Legislation was also passed that made it easier to get divorced. However, there were to be social, economic, and political developments that loosened the post-war political consensus. The loosening of that post-war consensus began with deteriorating economic growth and social changes, developments that would eventually lead to the emergence of Margaret Thatcher as a politician that was determined to radically alter the political, social, and economic fabric of Britain (Forman Baldwin, 1999, p. 11). It was not just Britain’s relatively poor economic performance that Margaret Thatcher wished to tackle; she wanted to tackle the political, social , and economic decline of Britain. Margaret Thatcher wished to reverse what she considered to be the harmful social and economic consequences of decline fostered by the liberalisation of moral values caused by the legislation of the 1960s and the changes in social attitudes that occurred during the same period (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 42). On the other hand, New Labour wished to regain power by gaining the votes of people that had previously voted for the Thatcher and Major governments, whilst retaining the support of their loyal Labour supporters. Traditional Labour party supporters had not supported the party because it claimed to protect or restore traditional family values; instead they believed that a Labour government would make them better off, and British society fairer. However, traditional Labour voters had been reduced in numbers by the reduction in the size of heavy industries and the Thatcher government’s economic policies such as the sell off of council housing and privatisation (Fisher, Denver, Benyon, 2003 p. 12). The combination of changing social and economic trends, the privatisation policies of the Thatcher government, as well as party in-fighting had condemned the Labour party to four consecutive general election defeats. The Labour Party had expected to win the 1992 general election, altho ugh the Major government managed to get re-elected by scrapping the poll tax (Jones, 1999 p.1). New Labour might not have emerged at all if John Smith had not died leading to Tony Blair becoming the party leader, and going on to reorganise the Labour Party, reshaping its policies, and its image in order to gain power (Seldon Kavanagh, 2005 p. 5). Whilst New Labour emphasised that it would no longer pursue traditional Labour party economic policies, it would stress that it was keen to make British society fairer than it had been during the Thatcher and the Major governments. New Labour stressed that it stood for fairer social values, for instance actively trying to encourage the acceptance of cultural diversity, or promoting gay and lesbian rights (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 397). New Labour shifted its economic policies to the right first, then moved its social policies in a similar direction (Moran, 2005, p. 28). Tony Blair and New Labour stressed that once in power it would help to bring back traditional family values by being tough on crime by tackling its social and economic causes (Seldon Kavanagh, 2005, p. 6). New Labour has also pledged to reform welfare provision, the NHS, and the education system to improve performance and reduce social exclusion. New Labour wanted to restore what it considered to be traditio nal family values through policy and legislation, yet with the emphasis being different from the emphasis of the Thatcher government in rhetoric if not in substance (Jones, 1999, p. 2). All governments have to be aware of the public scrutiny that they may have to endure, through Parliament, through media coverage and speculation, as well as been observed by the general public. The government of the day can have its policy and legislation objectives overturned and jeopardised by adverse publicity or media revelations. The media is very useful for the government to sell its policies and pieces of legislation to the electorate yet no government can expect favourable media coverage all of the time and sensible governments will try to manage media coverage to get the best results. The Thatcher and New Labour governments took media management techniques seriously for their periods in office although that has not guaranteed that they will succeed in making all their policy and legislation succeed, whether or not it was meant to restore traditional family values (Jones, 1999, p. 52). Chapter One – The Thatcher government and returning back to traditional family values This chapter will deal with the subject of the Thatcher government and its attempts of returning to traditional family values through policy and legislation. Margaret Thatcher broke the mould of the average Conservative party leader, and it was not simply because she was the first woman to gain that position. Although the Conservatives had been stung by the size of their election defeat in 1945, they had soon recovered to regain power by 1951 (Wilson, 2005, p.484). Successive Conservative leaders from Winston Churchill, Anthony Eden, Harold MacMillan, and Alec Douglas Hume had accepted the post-war political, economic and social consensus established after 1945 (Sandbrook, 2005, p.51). It had been Margaret Thatcher’s immediate predecessor as Conservative leader, Edward Heath that had first attempted to overturn the post-war consensus through the adoption of the Selsdon programme. As Education secretary, Margaret Thatcher was part of the Heath government that eventually returne d to Keynesian economic policies, due to trade union opposition, and the desire to increase economic growth to prevent unemployment levels going past one million (Fisher, Denver Benyon, 2003, p.11). The Heath government would fall victim to increasing trade union opposition that led to the three day week, whilst Heath’s defeat in both general elections of 1974 meant that leading Conservatives were looking for alternative policies and a new leader with a different approach to the discredited Heath. Margaret Thatcher decided to stand for the party leadership and succeeded in displacing Heath. After she became Conservative leader, her differing ideological outlook from her post-war predecessors started to emerge. Thatcher’s right wing rhetoric, no nonsense leadership style, her forthright messages, and obvious sense of nationalism struck the right chords with the British electorate during the late 1970s (Eatwell Wright, 2003, p. 160). Margaret Thatcher was determined to restore the electoral fortunes of the Conservative and then went on to revive the ailing British economy by fundamentally altering social, economic, and political attitudes within the country. Thatcher believed that Britain needed to radically overhaul its social and economic policies to reverse economic decline and social decadence. The medicine that Thatcher prescribed to cure Britain of its social and economic woes was the adoption of neo-liberal economic policies and a return to traditional family values. According to neo-liberal economists such as Hayek and Friedman, Keynesian economics and extensive welfare states like Britain’s after 1945 were socially and economically detrimental. Thatcher had been introduced to these concepts by one of her closest advisors, Sir Keith Joseph, and she saw them as the solution to Britain economic decline and social degradation (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 54). The welfare state removed the incent ive to work, or the incentives to reduce the size of families, whilst providing adequate standards of living for those that were work shy or content to have children outside of marriage and long term relationships. The pursuit of Keynesian economic policies had increased the power of trade unions whilst restricting the efficiency of both public and private sector enterprises. Thatcher argued that excessively high rates of taxation reduced the incentives for people to work harder and meant that some people were financially better off by being unemployed. Thatcher’s solution to these problems was to end Keynesian economic policies, lower taxes, sell off public assets, and attempt to reduce the size of the welfare state. The inability of the Callaghan government to solve Britain’s economic ills and the Winter of Discontent of industrial action and public sector strikes allowed Thatcher to take power after winning the general election of May 1979 (Fisher, Denver, Benyon, 2003, p.11). Once in office the Thatcher government undertook a radical reshaping of economic policy that had a major impact upon British society and influenced the success of policy and legislation to bring back traditional family values. The pursuit of economic liberalisation was the government’s policy given priority over all other policies and initiatives. Thatcher believed that economic liberalisation would be the catalyst that would modernise and revive Britain’s economic performance, with the anticipated consequence that it would revive at least some of the traditional family values. That was the underlying belief that people should work to make their lives better rather than relying upon the welfare state to give them handouts. The problem with adopting monetarist economic policies was that it resulted in the highest levels of unemployment witnessed in Britain since the Great Depression of the 1930s. With more than three million people unemployed, expenditure on the social s ecurity budget increased rather than decreased. Economic policy in this instance actually made the return to traditional family values less likely to be achieved. High unemployment levels instead meant a return to inter-period levels of poverty, and the closure of unprofitable coal mines and steel mills devastated whole communities (Coxall, Robbins, Leach, 2003, p. 54). High unemployment levels also helped the Thatcher government to break the power of the trade unions more effectively than legislation on its own. That legislation was restrictive of trade union powers in its own right, more so than the failed efforts of the Heath government a decade earlier. The Thatcher government regarded employment legislation as vital in making its efforts to erode trade union power effective. The Employment Act of 1980 took away the rights of trade unions to operate closed shops (allowing workers the right not to join trade unions), take secondary industrial action, or, use flying pickets to force employers to give into their demands. The Employment Act also laid down certain conditions that trade unions had to follow exactly before they could take industrial action. For instance, trade unions had to hold postal ballots to vote for or against strike action. Any trade union that did not hold official ballots was going on strike illegally, and therefore faced lega l action from employers. For the Thatcher government the Employment Act of 1980 proved invaluable with its conflicts with the militant trade unions, especially the coal miners (Forman, Baldwin, 1999, p.450). For the Thatcher government its conflict with the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) led by Arthur Scargil proved the ultimate test of whether it could change the social and economic structure of Britain to fit in with its ideological outlook. The NUM had been regarded as being largely responsible for the defeat of the Heath government during the 1970s, so the Thatcher government wanted to defeat it as a symbol of Britain being transformed economically, socially, and politically. Although the Thatcher government did give way over pay disputes in 1981 as it did not believe it could defeat the NUM, it was biding its time. However, by 1984 the Thatcher government was certain that the situation had changed in its favour through its new legislation that reduced secondary strike action, and because coal had been stockpiled at power stations to prevent the NUM from forcing the government to give in. The bitter miners strike of 1984-85 effectively broke the power of the NUM forever, and sho wed that the trade unions could no longer bring down any government that they wanted to (Forman Baldwin, 1999, p. 196). As part of its policy objectives to bring back traditional family values the Thatcher government tried to improve the law and order situation without much apparent success. Once again the economic policies of the Thatcher government had consequences for the successful conduct of its social policies. The chief consequence of Thatcherite economic policies was as already mentioned high unemployment. High unemployment made it harder to reduce the level of crime; in fact crime rates rose as sharply as unemployment rates did throughout much of the 1980s (Fisher, Denver, Benyon, 2003, p. 12). Unemployment increased peoples’ sense of desperation as well as putting many of them into poverty. Crime increased as people tried to make ends meet, and it also increased as a result of a rise in the number of people taking illegal drugs. High unemployment and the illegal drug trade meant that respect for law and order was reduced in the majority of inner city areas rather than improved. A com bination of high unemployment, heavy handed policing, and increased levels of racial tension lead to the outbreak of inner city riots in 1981 that alarmed the Thatcher government (Jones et al, 2004, p. 628). To prevent a repeat of those riots the Thatcher government introduced urban redevelopment areas, and attempted to change the policing methods used in areas that contained ethnic minority communities. The Thatcher government tried to reduce crime by allowing courts to set tougher sentences and the introduction of youth detention centres, yet nothing seemed to work (Jones et al, 2004, p. 628). The failure of the Thatcher government to reverse the rising crime figures is a clear demonstration that the social policy, and legislation of governments can have little or virtually no influence over people’s behaviour if they did not want that behaviour to be altered. Although there was a strong link between rising crime and rising unemployment during the Thatcher government the le vels of crime have not decreased, despite unemployment falling since its peak in the late 1980s (Jones et al, 2004, p. 629). Other areas of the That

A Poet’s response to place is rarely purely descriptive Essay

In this essay I will write about whether I agree with the statement above, or not. I will base my conclusion upon a detailed examination of two poems. I will look at the ideas and techniques poets use, language and imagery etc. I agree with the above statement, I feel nothing is purely descriptive, for example when someone says † That house looks deep-rooted and daunting† the quote is descriptive as well as being someone’s personal opinion. To one person it may look daunting but to another the house may look safe and restful. Whenever someone describes something, it always includes an opinion, so nothing can ever be purely descriptive. I will back up my opinion by looking at the two poems: London -William Blake (1757-1827) Dover Beach -Matthew Arnold (1823-1888) â€Å"London† is a poem about William Blake’s interpretation of the dark side of London, he talks about how everyone is suffering, and how everyone is looking for freedom, no one has a future. † Dover Beach† is a poem about a beach in England, Matthew Arnold is describing what he feels is wrong with the world, and the reasons for the problems we have. â€Å"London† – A poem of social protest, against the suffering of all who live in a world such as this. Written in 1789 (during the British industrial revolution). Not a poem of observed factual detail but Blake’s perception of London, he uses the traditional form of alternate rhyming lines to imitate the repetitive predictability of the circle of suffering. ‘London’ shows that: if the institution and structure of a place is corrupt then the people can never have a chance for innocence. In his poem Blake describes to the reader how there are legal restrictions on the roads, â€Å"Charter’d street†. Also how the river Thames is governed â€Å"Charter’d Thames † The quotation shows that even a river which should seem free, is owned , restricted. When Blake describes the restrictions, he is also enlightening the reader about the state of the residents of London, â€Å"mind forg’d manacles† this quotation shows the depression and imprisoning of people, in their own mind. People are searching for liberty. People in London are abandoning the church because there lives are going so wrong â€Å"Every Black’ning Church appalls†. The word â€Å"plagues† really gives us the impact of the place he was walking through, it’s a very pungent word. In this Poem, Blake uses disconnected stanza’s, almost to describe the place where he is , nothing is stable, including peoples life. The rhythm of the poem is monotonous, there is not one positive image or feeling. There is also assonance to reinforce what he is saying. In this Poem, Blake starts to describe London, but as soon as he does, he describes the way people live and how they drastically lack liberty. â€Å"Dover Beach† is a melancholic poem. Matthew Arnold uses the means of ‘pathetic fallacy’, when he projects the human feeling of sadness onto an inanimate object like the sea. A repetition of neither†¦nor in stanza 4 underlines a series of denials: â€Å". . . neither joy, nor love, nor light/ Nor certitude, nor peace, nor help for pain;† (l. 33-34). All these are basic human values. If none of these do truly exist, this raises the question of what remains. With these lines, Arnold draws a nihilistic view of the world he is living in. Throughout the poem, the sea is used as an image and a metaphor. At first, it is beautiful to look at in the moonlight (ll.1-8), then it begins to make hostile sounds (â€Å"grating roar† (l. 9); â€Å"tremulous cadence† (l.13)) that suggest a general feeling of sadness. In the third stanza, the sea is turned into a metaphoric â€Å"Sea of Faith† (l.21) — a symbol for a time when religion could still be experienced without the doubts brought about by progress and science (Darwinism). Now, the ‘Sea of Faith’ and also the certainty of religion withdraws itself from the human grasp and leaves only darkness behind. Matthew Arnold, not only describes Dover beach, he describes he thoughts on the world, and why things are the way they are. To conclude with both the poems I have looked at, have reinforced the statement: â€Å"A Poet’s response to place is rarely purely descriptive† I have shown by using â€Å"London† and â€Å"Dover beach† that a poet always does so much more than simply describe a place, the poet’s own thoughts and feelings shine through. The reader gets taken deep down into the poem ,and finds out why the poet feels the way he/she does. Each poem is an insight to the way poets feel about places. Neither poems just describes a place, therefore I empathize with the above statement.

Photography - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 2 Words: 604 Downloads: 3 Date added: 2017/09/11 Category Advertising Essay Did you like this example? In the past, you had to be very patient as a digital photographer. If you wanted to catch something spectacular you had to carry your camera with you everywhere until you saw something special. To capture a sunrise you had to get up at the crack of dawn. Models had to spend hours in the makeup room and studios had to be well lit. Everything I just mentioned changed instantly with the invention of Photoshop. Photoshop has changed the history of digital photography. Nowadays, when you look at an amazing photo or image your first impression is still â€Å"wow† but your immediate second thought is â€Å"that has to be photoshopped†. When you think of the history of Photoshop and everything it did to change the game, it’s pretty insane. It changed the way we see the world, the most significant effect Photoshop has had on us is how we see our world. Digital artists and manipulators know how to take an ordinary photograph and turn it into something completely different and extraordinary. Images that are photoshopped really have me doubting reality sometimes. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Photography" essay for you Create order Whether they have to do with people, places, or things, you can’t argue with the creativity and time that goes into some of these images. They give you a new perspective on the world. It also changed the way we view history Aside from the historical significance of digital photography, Photoshop has changed the way we view history in general. Historical photographs can be photoshopped just as easily as any other image, which leaves you wondering if you are viewing a historical painting or a modern piece of Photoshop art. How We Advertise I bet you were wondering when I was going to get to this part. If you happen to pass by the bulletin boards, you would see amazing publicities for example the HASA, Hinugyaw 2010, and Fashion Rocks December. All of these were made by an amazing artist using photoshop. Advertising has changed forever due to image manipulation. You can’t look through a magazine without seeing dozens of photoshopped ads. Think about what this means. To me, this says that companies that used to run text ads or had to hire a photographer to take their photos can now just pay someone to make their ad on a Mac or PC. Photoshop has changed advertising and business as a whole. It definitely changed the way we view the human form. Photoshop has also changed our image of what the perfect person looks like. With models and celebrities – most notably – we have seen Photoshop go into every magazine cover and spread in modern existence. One of the uses of photoshop is erasing blemishes. Here’s a pic of a person with blemishes and it’ll only take a few clicks of the clone stamp and blur tools to erase some if not all of them. Photoshop has been turning fantasies to reality with just clicks. Aside from all the real world examples of Photoshop history, images are constantly created to invoke our imagination. When you look at one of these pieces of art you are able to visualize the artist’s dreams and fantasies. What did people do before this? In conclusion, there are many ways I’ve noticed that Photoshop has changed the history of a digital photograph. There’s got to be more but these things just don’t jump out at me anymore due to the norms I’m accustomed to in the Photoshop era. What do you think about Photoshop? Has it affected your life in some way just like what it did to me?

The Legacy Of A Good President - 1089 Words

On April 7, 2015, Rand Paul announced, I am running for president to return our country to the principles of liberty and limited government.† This put him in the running for the 2016 presidential nomination. Rand Paul is a republican and the son of Ron Paul, Rand Paul started his political career in 2008 when he started to get involved in a group known as the Tea Party. He announced he would run for a seat in the Kentucky Senate in 2009, He won and became a senator for Kentucky. He has been a United States senator for five years which doesn’t give him many years of experiences but some of the great presidents like Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt only had two and four and a half years of experience. This just means that he is†¦show more content†¦Paul states, I am not opposed to birth control, he said. After a pause, he elaborated. That s basically what Plan B is. Plan B is taking two birth control pills in the morning and two in the evening, and I am not o pposed to that. This means he agrees with the morning after pill. He disagrees with government funding for abortion. He signed a no taxpayer funding for abortion act. The act prohibits federal funds being used to cover abortion but excludes in cases such as rape, incest, or if a woman is in danger of death. It also disqualifies for purpose of tax deduction of medical expenses for abortion. Paul wants to defend Planned Parenthood. Taxes in this country help pay for many government and state programs. Right now we have seven tax bracket tax plan for income tax. The plan is based on how much you make, the more you make the higher the present. Paul’s plan calls for a fourteen point five present flat tax no matter how much income you make. The plan also includes a $15000 deduction and a $5000 per a person personal exemption. Retirements accounts would stay the same and still keep mortgage and charitable deductions along with child tax deductions. For business, it would be a fourteen point nine percent business transfer tax that would be levied on factors of production and capital income. The TGM (Taxes and Growth Model) estimates an increased GDP of twelve point nine percent in ten years or about one

The Crucible By Arthur Miller - 1273 Words

Arthur Miller’s The Crucible, reveals how general members of society will do anything to attain or maintain a position of power and status amongst the bourgeoisie while a few will go through great lengths to remain true to their faith; ultimately revealing that the act of trying to achieve a higher position in life, at the cost of others, is a choice. Throughout the story you see characters change their views, opinions, and actions on certain items just to remain in the position that they have achieved. They also do these things to get to a higher position in society. Keeping your position and working for a new one means absolutely everything to this society. They will do anything to get what they want, they do not care what they do or if they hurt anyone. If they want something they will do everything in their power to get there. The public servants in the small town of Salem choose to exploit the citizens in pursuit of their materialistic desire to maintain their position as bourgeoisie. Reverend Paris is a prime example of this type of character in The Crucible. Paris has just come back from Barbados and is trying to do everything he can to earn the respect of people in the town. He is trying his best to achieve this when suddenly his niece and daughter are seen practicing witch-craft. This is major problem for him. Paris says to his niece Abigail, â€Å"Abigail, I have fought here three long years to bend these stiff-necked people to me, and now, just now when some goodShow MoreRelatedThe Crucible By Arthur Miller1269 Words   |  6 PagesAt first glance, the playwright Arthur Miller in The Crucible highlights the historical significance of the Salem Witch Trials of 1692, but in fact it is an allegorical expression of his perception of McCarthyism. If the reader has some background information on Arthur Miller’s victimization as a communist, it is evident that the play is a didactic vessel illustrating the flaws of the court system in the 1950’s. The communist allegations were launched at government employees, entertainers and writersRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller1681 Words   |  7 Pagesof their way to the last dying breath to make sure they leave with a good or bad reputation. In one of the recent literature study in class â€Å"The Crucible† by Arthur Miller, Miller uses characterization to illustrate reputation throughout the play. â€Å"The Crucible† takes place in Salem, Massachusetts. It is based upon the Salem witch trails. In â€Å"The Crucible†, we journey through the life of three characters who reputations plays a major role in the play. The three characters are John Proctor, AbigailRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller998 Words   |  4 Pagesmotivated by jealousy and spite. The Crucible is a four-act dramatic play production that was first performed on January 22, 1953. Arthur Miller used dialogue within the characters to cover the multiple themes; conflicts and resolutions, plus the few directions for the different actions of the play. The Salem Witch Trials were intended to be performed as the play however, when read, it can be more carefully examined and broken down to analyze the techniques. Miller, the playwright, uses literaryRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller1333 Words   |  6 PagesAs the various characters in The Crucible by Arthur Miller interact, the dominant theme of the consequences of women’s nonconformity begins to slide out from behind the curtains of the play. Such a theme reveals the gripping fear that inundated the Puritans during the seventeenth century. This fear led to the famous witch-hunts that primarily terrorized women who deviated from the Puritan vision of absolute obedience and orthodoxy. Arthur Miller presents his interpretation of the suffering by subtlyRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller1145 Words   |  5 PagesUnbalance Through The Centuries In Arthur Miller’s play, The Crucible, the author reflects the persecution of communists in America in the 1950’s through a recount of the Salem witch trials. It is often presumed that Miller based his drama directly off of events that were particularly prevalent in the years surrounding the publication of The Crucible- which was released in the year 1953, towards the conclusion of the Korean War. Although there was not a literal witch hunt occurring during this timeRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller1063 Words   |  5 PagesIn the English dictionary, there are three definitions of the word crucible. One is a metal container in which metals are mixed and melted. Another is a severe test. But the third definition, and the one that I think fits the best for this book, is a place or situation in which different elements interact to create something new. In my mind, this fits because all of the characters had their little grudges and dirty secrets. But when all th ose seemingly little things interact, they formed somethingRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller1285 Words   |  6 Pages Rationale, Morality, Stereotypes, Pressure, Self-Censorship, Unanimity, and Mindguards. Groupthink has also taken place in our history a a country. The play, The Crucible by Arthur Miller is about a the real-life Salem Witch Trials that happened in 1692 - 1693, in Salem, Massachusetts. Some symptoms of Groupthink found in the Crucible are Rationale, Pressure, and Self-Censorship. The Groupthink symptom, Rationale, is described as when victims of Groupthink ignore warnings: they also collectivelyRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller811 Words   |  4 Pages While The Crucible, by Arthur Miller, is only a four act play, it still resembles the format of a five act play. The five-act structure evolved from a three-act structure, which was made famous by Roman Aelius Donatus. Donatus came up with three types of plays: Protasis, Epitasis, and Catastrophe. The five-act structure helped to expand the three act structure, mainly made famous by Shakespeare through his many tragedies. Even though The Crucible contains only four acts, it still has the commonRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller1052 Words   |  5 PagesBuddy Al-Aydi Ms.Healy English 9 CP 14th October 2014 The Crucible Essay The Crucible was a novel written by Arthur Miller in the 1950’s. It was written in a format of the play, portraying an allegory of the Salem Witch-Hunts led by Senator Joseph McCarthy. The book is known to have a inexplicable plot. This plot is advanced by multiple characters in the book in order to ensure that the reader maintains interest with the material that is being read. The farmer, John Proctor, would be theRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller841 Words   |  4 PagesThe Crucible is a chaotic play, throughout this American classic Arthur Miller takes the reader through multiple events of terror and insanity. While creating a great on-stage play, Arthur Miller portrays his life through the events, the characters, and plot of The Crucible. Using vivid imagery and comprehensible symbolism, Miller manipulates the real personalities of the characters and events in 1600 Salem, Massachusetts to create a symbolic autobiography. Throughout this play, the reader experie nces

The Impact of Weak System Security Free Essays

In addition to this, it is not just the organization itself that can feel the brunt of the impact of weak security. Employees whose responsibility it is to ensure that there are no weaknesses an also be hit hard. Generally, it is up to managers to ensure that there are no weaknesses in a systems security; or at least to reduce the risk of negative impact/damage on the company. We will write a custom essay sample on The Impact of Weak System Security or any similar topic only for you Order Now This means that if there is a major weakness is found in the system of an organization, managers could lose their jobs as a result of negligence etc. This then puts the managers in a situation where they are losing money, not just the company. Loss of Customers- Weak system security can also result in the loss of customers as people will not want to use a business that has problems with their security s their personal details or information may be at risk. For example, if a bank has a weakness in its security, and this weakness is exploited by hackers; then customers’ information may be stolen and used to purchase goods under their name. This goes against the organization’s key responsibilities to its customers as they have a responsibility to keep their customers data safe and hidden from unrestricted access. This means that if people’s data is stolen or lost then they will more than likely move to a rival organization where they think that their data will be safer. This will result in the loss of customers from the company and a massive lost in trust; possibly resulting in the loss of jobs as there aren’t enough customers to make a profit for the company. Increased Costs- An increase in costs can also be incurred from the weakness in a systems security. This can be caused as a result Of needing a specialist engineer etc to come in to the company to see where the weakness in the systems security is. This may cost a lot of money as it is; and more money will need to be spent in order to get another specialist to come out and fix the problems that are there. In addition to this, customers may wish to receive mom sort of compensation as payment for the information that the company has lost about them. Or Image- A poor company image can be another nasty effect of weak system security. If a major company has even one or two system weaknesses it can reflect very badly on its image as people will start to lose trust in the overall protection that the company offers to its customers. A poor company image can have a massive impact on the ability for a company to make enough money to actually make a profit on the goods they are making/selling. A poor image may then result in the loss of customers and earnings from the many. It is therefore vital that the company ensures that there are no weaknesses in its security so that their company image stays strong. All of the above impacts can be related to the organizations key responsibilities to their Customers. The Organization has a massive responsibility to ensure that all of their customers’ personal data is kept secure, and that only the people who are authorized to access it are able to and only at the right times. This links in with the data protection act of 1998, as companies must provide suitable means of protecting customers’ data. How to cite The Impact of Weak System Security, Papers

Steve Legal Obligation to Buy Car from Jason-Samples for Students

Questions: 1.Advise if the agreement signed by Susan was valid. 2.Advise if Steve was legally bound to buy the car from Jason. 3.Advise if Carl was negligent and whether any defence was available to him. 4.Advise if Betty has any rights under ACL. Answers: 1.Issue To determine the validity of agreement signed between Tom and Susan. Rules The contract being an official agreement can be either written or oral. A contract in order to be valid needs to have specifically six elements: Offer: An offer or a promise is important as if there is no offer made by one party to another there will be no contract. Acceptance: After receiving an offer from one party there should be an acceptance by another. Further, no contract shall be concluded if the parties are still into negotiations or discussing not having accepted the offer (Koffman Macdonald, 2010). Intention to create a legal relation: As per Contract Act, it is important to intent to create legal relations as one of the key requirement as a valid contract. In case of no intention to create legal relations, the contract can be subject to a lawsuit. Consideration: Consideration in a contract is meaning the exchange set between the promisor and promises to make the contract legally valid (Chen-Wishart, 2012). Capacity: the contract must be in a legal capacity to do so i.e., the parties involved in a contract must be major. Certainty: the terms and regulations made in the contract must be certain Expressly not declared void to make it enforceable or considered valid. Applicability of rules As in the current case of Tom and Susan, the elements stated to make a contract valid are all fulfilled. Tom makes a written offer to Susan to which she gives her acceptance. The consideration of $100,000 and legal intent as well as the capacity of parties makes the contract legally valid one. Conclusion Herein, the contract entered between Tom and Susan is a valid agreement as both parties legal intentions were clear and mutual consent was assured through the signature of both. Therefore, Tom approach to pay Susan only $100,000 is valid. 2.Issue Steve legal obligation to buy car from Jason Rules Offer and invitation to offer infers two different implications and thus should not be considered equal. Though, an offer is a personal expression on showing its willingness to another party to do or not to do anything. Offer is a proposal, which is definite, complete and certain in all cases (McKendrick, 2014). Offer requires being communicated to another person and legally binding on parties. While Invitation to offer (treat) is an act to invite the other party to make a proposal. It is prior to an offer. In the event of invitation to offer, there is no negotiation of terms of the contract or a clear expression to make an offer. Applicability of rule Herein, this case Steve act was to induce Jason to make an invitation to offer with intent to negotiate and create a contract. But nonetheless, Steve does not make any offer to make it legally binding on him to accept Jason car. Conclusion Therefore, in this respective case, Jason does not have any right to make Steve legally bound to buy his modified car as he makes an invitation to offer rather than offer that make it fundamentally not legally binding on Steve to make the purchase. 3.Issue In this case, the issue is to identify whether Harry holds defence to Carl negligence act. Rule According to Civil Liability Act in case of any loss due to negligence act on another as stated in act of Perre v Apand Pty Limited (1999) the following conditions shall be applied: The duty of Care: the defendant has a responsibility towards the plaintiff recognized by law. The famous case of Donoghue v Stevenson formed the modern law of negligence which lays its foundation on duty of care and fault principles. There an existence of legally recognized responsibility of obligation or duty (Schwartz Rowe, 2010). Breach of Duty: the defendant who intentionally exposes the plaintiff to the considerable risk of loss, breaches the duty. Intention and/or Malice: furthermore establishing conditions of intent or malice which applies in the event of gross negligence. Causation: Accordingly the result of negligent act or omission it is important that injury is led by negligence. As in case of Volenti non-fit injuria is which is a legal doctrine that states if someone willingly involves into a required position acknowledging that it could lead to harm will not be able to claim against the defendant (Kritchevsky, 2010). Injury: Though there is a breach of duty, plaintiff may yet not recover unless it has proven defendants breach instigated a pecuniary injury. Damage: It is a monetary value of the harm done to the plaintiff. Applicability of rule Herein this case Carl has conducted a breach of duty and duty of care leading to health injury and damage to Harry. Carl having no primary knowledge to cook sashimi could have avoided the misconduct resulting in health illness to Harry. There was an act of negligence on part of Carl. Conclusion Though Carl has to lead to the negligence conduct but nevertheless as per Volenti non fit injuria doctrine of law Harry could have evaded the negligent conduct made by Carl as he knew Carl had no knowledge to cook sashimi 4.Issue Rights of Betty as per Australian Consumer Law Rule According to the ACL, all usual rights are applicable when anyone shops with an Australian online business (Ramsay, 2012). In case of any misleading conduct on the part of the online site, the consumer has the right to repair, replace or refund, compensation for damage and loss and warranties. It is important that online website competes on fairgrounds on basis of price and quality. Applicability of rule Betty has the right under ACL to claim for damages against the Apple online website which serves information which is misleading serving product products with the false specification. Conclusion Here in this case, Betty can claim against the online website for her rights as per ACL, as a product so received by Betty is not in tune with the specification so stated by the website. References Chen-Wishart, M. (2012). Contract law. Oxford University Press. Koffman, L., Macdonald, E. (2010).The law of contract. Oxford University Press. Kritchevsky, B. (2010). Tort Law Is State Law: Why Courts Should Distinguish State and Federal Law in Negligence-Per-Se Litigation. Am. UL Rev., 60, 71. McKendrick, E. (2014). Contract law: text, cases, and materials. Oxford University Press (UK). Ramsay, I. (2012).Consumer law and policy: Text and materials on regulating consumer markets. Bloomsbury Publishing. Schwartz, V. E., Rowe, E. F. (2010). Comparative negligence. LexisNexis.